Комментарии: PAT *-la-/-lǝ- 'to go, move, enter' (used only with preverbs); PAK *-ħa- (also with preverbs). Ub. is the only language having a preverbless paradigm (sǝ-wǝ́-n "I enter"). The correspondence PAT *l : PAK *ħ : Ub. w reflects a labialised lateral *Łʷ.
Комментарии: PAT *mac̣a; PAK *mác̣a. The inner analysis of PAK *mác̣a and relating *-c̣a to PWC *ć̣a 'louse' q.v. (see Yakovlev 1948, 273, 292; 1941, 260; Rogava 1956,26; Kuipers 1960, 92; Shagirov 1977, 262) is absolutely unacceptable. Therefore there is no need to consider the Ub. and PAT forms as Adygh loans - all forms correspond perfectly well to each other.
Комментарии: PAT *mǝca (cf. also Bzyb. á-mca). PAK *mac̣ʷá. Ub. def. á-mǯ́a. The root presents some irregularities. The PAT and Ub. forms reveal a secondary delabialisation (PAT *mǝca < *mǝcʷa; Lomtatidze (1942, 862, 865) is probably right in assuming that the original labialized form is preserved in PAT *macʷǝ-śǝ 'lightning' ("fire"+"beat"); Ub. mǝǯ́á < *mǝʒʷa). The same languages also have lost glottalisation. The most archaic form (judging from the external evidence) is PAK *mac̣ʷá.
Cf. also PAT *cʷǝ- in *cʷǝ-mǝsa 'tinder' ( = PL *c̣ojɨ-mäs, see under *mä̆sA); this is probably the only trace of the prefixless stem in WC languages.
Комментарии: PAK *maxʷá. The root is homonymous with *maxʷa 'day' - which is obviously a secondary merger. PAK *xʷ may go back to *ʎ́ʷ, *ʎʷ, *xʷ or *x́ʷ; in this case *ʎ́ʷ is preferable because of external evidence.
Комментарии: PAK *maq:V́. In view of the external evidence the root should be treated as a whole, and Shagirov's (1,259) hypothesis about its morphological complexity does not seem convincing.
Комментарии: PAT *maħʷǝ; PAK *maχʷ-ʎá (a compound with *ʎ́V 'kin, relationship'); Ub. def. á-mǝχ / a-mǝ́χ. In Ubykh there occurred a usual delabialisation after a labial consonant. All attempts of the inner analysis of the WC form (Yakovlev 1948, 273, Kuipers 1960, 85, Rogava 1956, 33, 64) are groundless; see Shagirov 1, 259-260.
Значение:1 part of the foreleg 2 young branch 3 foreleg
Абхазский:á-mać̣̌ 2
Абазинский:pǝ-mač̣ʷa 1
Адыгейский:ṣʷā-ʎa 3
Кабардинский:f̣ā-ʎa 3
Комментарии: PAK *c̣ʷa-ʎá (ʎa 'foot'). PAT *mac̣ʷV; cf. also Abkh. Bzyb. a-pǝ́-mač̣ "front side of femoral parts of hindlegs" ( = Abaz. pǝ-mač̣ʷa). The meaning 'branch' in Abkh. (Abzh.) is obviously secondary.
Комментарии: Used in AA and Ub. as both negative and prohibitive particle; in the AK languages it is a common prohibitive morpheme and is also used in deverbatives (e.g., in infinitives etc.); as a general negative morpheme it was absolutely lost in Ad., and in Kabardian stayed only within the complex negative suffix -q:ǝ-m.
Комментарии: PAT *š́a-mǝć̣a (cf. also Bzyb. a-š́ánć̣a, Ashkh. š́amc̣a). A compound, where the first part reflects PWC *ʎ́V 'to whet' q. v. (lit. 'whetting flint'). PAT *ć̣ presupposes PWC *č̣ or *ć̣.
Комментарии: PAT *mǝč̣ǝ; PAK *c̣ʷa-mǝ́č̣ǝ (lit. "black (*c̣ʷa-) wood"). See Шагиров 1977, 2, 102 (where, however, PAK *c̣ʷa- is erroneously linked to *mac̣ʷa 'fire').
